Let's Read About Africa at the National Museum of African Art

Let's Read about Africa
at the Smithsonian National Museum of African Art in Washington, D.C.
Ages: 5--10
Introduces young audiences to current and classical children's literature about Africa. Each reading is followed by an art activity. Suitable for ages 5 to 10.

The Best Beekeeper in Lalibela
Sat., Nov. 3, 10:30 a.m.
By Cristine Kessler, illus. by Leonard Jenkins, 2006

The Best Beekeeper in Lalibela tells the story of a determined young girl who defies tradition and becomes the first girl beekeeper. Read by Yohannes Gebregeorgis, an Ethiopian children's author and Director of Ethiopian operations of the non-profit EthiopiaReads.org.

(You can purchase copies of The BeeKeeper of Lalibela by visiting www.silverchicks.com or contact Catie Dupont at catie@ethiopiareads.org. For more information about titles published by Ethiopia Reads in Amharic and English, please visit www.ethiopiareads.org.)

Back home in Virginia, opposition leader to return to Ethiopia

Freed from a prison in Ethiopia, Yacob Hailemariam is home in Virginia but said he will risk arrest again in his homeland to promote democratic rule.

"There is a chance we could go back to prison, but what are you going to do?" he asked. "We have made promises to the people, and we can't renege on those promises."

In August, Hailemariam was among three dozen dissidents released after their arrests in 2005. None had been charged in court.

Ethiopia freed the opposition leaders following international condemnation and strong pressure from the United States. Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, the target of the dissidents, announced the pardons.

While the opposition won an unprecedented number of parliamentary seats in the 2005 vote, it did not win enough to topple Meles. The opposition claimed the voting was rigged, and European Union observers said it was marred by irregularities.

Hailemariam, 63, was a former U.N. special envoy and a former professor at Norfolk State University.

The human rights organization Amnesty International labeled Hailemariam and the other opposition members "prisoners of conscience."

Since his release, Hailemariam and several Coalition for Unity and Democracy colleagues have spent six weeks visiting 12 cities in nine European countries. They thanked supporters and begged for continued pressure for a freer Ethiopia.

"We assured them we are not going to abandon the struggle for democracy, justice and the rule of law," he told The Virginian-Pilot, which visited Hailemariam at his home here.

"Many people think now that we are released, everything is fine and dandy. It is not. There are many people in jail. And the objectives of the party have not been fulfilled," he said.

Tegist Hailemariam had seen her husband once in more than two years. Now, with their son out of college, she'll follow Yacob to Ethiopia.

"I am part of the struggle, too," she said.

Yacob Hailemariam said it's difficult to sell American-style democracy when people around the world hear reports of abused detainees in U.S. military prison camps.

"If the Bush administration can violate human rights with impunity, what prevents some petty African dictator from doing that?" he asked.

For now, he wants to see family and friends and to thank supporters from Norfolk State, churches, human rights groups and members of Congress who pushed for his release.

He said he plans to go back in two months to continue the "unfinished business" of peacefully instilling democracy.

Elections are scheduled in 2010.

Zethiopia 5th year Anniversary Gala Dinner

Zethiopia 5th year Anniversary Gala Dinner

Saturday, November 10, 2007

From 5:00 PM to Midnight

at the Holiday Inn Eisenhower Metro
2460 Eisenhower Avenue
Alexandria, Virginia 22314

for more information call - Zethiopia
202 518 0245

or e-mail dereje@zethiopia.com

Ethiopia hosts Somali rift talks

Somali Prime Minister Ali Mohammed Ghedi has been called to Ethiopia's capital to meet the prime minister.
Mr Ghedi is embroiled in a quarrel with the president of the Somali transitional government and was facing a vote of confidence in parliament.
The vote has now been postponed until after his return.
Ethiopian troops intervened to save Somalia from being overrun by Islamist militias at the end of last year.
Ethiopia's intervention in support of Somalia's transitional federal government has cost it money and the lives of some of its soldiers.
But it has also cost it the goodwill of some of its own Somali-speaking citizens in the south-east of the country, where the sight of Ethiopian troops fighting fellow Somalis has stirred up old animosities and added fuel to a long-smouldering rebellion.
The whole carefully pieced-together structure in Somalia is teetering, not because of Islamist attacks but because of a quarrel between the two leading players Mr Ghedi and President Abdullahi Yusuf.
With each of them going around protected by militia from their own clans, the quarrel could easily spill over into open violence.
Ethiopia first sent its minister of tourism to Somalia to urge them to agree - not at first sight an obvious choice but he is the most senior Somali speaker in the Ethiopian government.
Then on Wednesday it summoned Mr Ghedi to Addis Ababa.
He went vowing that he intended to remain as prime minister but with rumours swirling round Somalia that he might not return. (BBC)

Feature

Dismissive Ethiopia tests US indulgence


October 10 2007: Meles Zenawi, Ethiopia’s prime minister, sat stiffly at a table as the frontman of the Black Eyed Peas strutted to the tip of the stage with the standard swagger of a Los Angeles hip-hop star.

Below the prime minister’s balcony, several hundred young Ethiopians surged towards the dreadlocked American, who told them: “Y’know, we celebrated the millennium seven years ago.”

Ethiopia did not. The country stuck with a form of the Julian calendar when the west switched to the Gregorian version four centuries ago, so its year 2000 rolled around only last month.

“Is this the real millennium?” the rapper asked, receiving an uproarious “Yes” from the crowd. “So, basically, when I go home, I can tell America to shut up?” he asked. The affirmative answer almost lifted off the roof.

The moustachioed Mr Meles did not flinch. But the exchange – a playful introduction to a song called “Shut Up” – captured something of the US’s increasingly testy relationship with Ethiopia: despite a six-year alliance with Washington, Mr Meles appears not at all inclined to move to America’s music.

Following the attacks of September 11 2001, the administration of President George W. Bush forged an anti-terror pact with Addis Ababa. It was predicated on Ethiopia’s formidable military and intelligence capabilities and its position as a Christian-led country surrounded by Muslim and Arab states.

But the relationship has begun to resemble many of Washington’s alliances with troublesome client regimes, based mostly on geopolitical interest. Ethiopia, which received $283m (£139m, €200m) of military and humanitarian aid from Washington this year, looks increasingly like Pakistan or Egypt: an awkward bedfellow that the US has to support for security goals but one that pursues its own, sometimes brutal, agenda regardless of American pressure.

When the US objects to Ethiopian policies – such as a crackdown on political opponents that killed scores of people in 2005 and a scorched-earth campaign against separatist insurgents this year – it is ignored. When America gives implicit acquiescence – as it did over the Christmas invasion of Somalia and Ethiopia’s bitter border dispute with Eritrea – the US goes through the motions of diplomatic pressure and claims to have been rebuffed.

But the wisdom of the alliance is now under scrutiny, particularly since the Democratic-controlled House of Representatives passed a bill last week that would force Ethiopia to improve democracy and human rights or risk losing substantial aid.

In public, Jendayi Frazer, the US State department’s top Africa diplomat, remains staunchly pro-Ethiopian and the White House is known to be unhappy with this month’s congressional bill. But one US official says Washington has “titanic arguments” on many subjects with Mr Meles, whose star has fallen since he was hailed in the 1990s as one of a new generation of African leaders. “The Ethiopians are very proud and very independent,” the official adds. “On security, they have supported us strongly, but they also take positions which are not in line with ours.”

In consequence, Washington has become tied to Ethiopia’s local agenda and entangled in a web of mutually reinforcing conflicts, which run from Eritrea to Somalia and cut through Ethiopia’s own ethnically Somali Ogaden region.

The alliance with Ethiopia, the regional powerhouse with a population of 77m, was supposed to achieve the opposite. The US wanted to hunt terrorists, including those suspected of blowing up US embassies in Kenya and Tanzania in 1998, to monitor links between al-Qaeda and local Islamists and to prevent the region disintegrating into a lawless incubator for extremism.

But the compromises Washington would have to make became evident after a disputed 2005 election, which revealed the Ethiopian regime’s authoritarian leanings. A total of 193 protesters accusing the government of rigging the election were killed in clashes with police. The violence was condemned by the US, which suspended aid temporarily, but Addis Ababa did not flinch.

The US quandary is also illustrated by Ethiopia’s invasion last year of neighbouring Somalia to oust the Islamic Courts Union, a group containing extremist elements that it saw as a threat. The US role in this invasion is still controversial, though American officials deny they encouraged the Ethiopians to act: “We specifically spoke with the government, [advising it] not to go into Somalia, because we didn’t know what the consequences would be,” says the US official.

But European diplomats dispute this account, saying the American attitude was ambiguous and was influenced heavily by those parts of the Bush administration charged with prosecuting the war on terror. The US embassy in Addis Ababa declined to comment on press reports that the US provided intelligence, military targeting and logistical support to Ethiopian forces during the invasion.

US Navy ships have since launched at least three precision air strikes inside Somalia, presumed to be targeting suspected al-Qaeda associates. But the invasion and its aftermath has done nothing to put an end to 16 years of violent chaos in Somalia.

Also going from bad to worse are Ethiopia’s relations with Eritrea. The neighbours fought a war in 1998-2000 that killed 70,000 people. Last month, Ethiopia threatened to terminate the pact that ended it, after years of intransigence over the demarcation of the two countries’ border.

The US failed – or did not try – to persuade Ethiopia to comply with the 2002 ruling of an independent boundary commission. “I think that’s when we let it slip away, when we let Ethiopia break its pledge to agree to the outcome,” says Donald Payne, a Democratic congressman who co-sponsored last week’s Ethiopia bill. “I think we could fight the war on terror and still have respectful policies from our allies if we chose to. However, taking the policy of least resistance may be easier for the Bush administration.”

An embittered Eritrea reacted by launching proxy wars to undermine the Ethiopian government inside the country, where a growing number of armed groups oppose the Meles regime. The most formidable is the Ogaden National Liberation Front, which this year escalated a campaign for self-determination.

Ethiopia responded with a crackdown, which is a source of growing concern to the US. Ethiopian armed forces have been accused of extra-judicial killings, rape, torture and the burning of villages – charges that Ethiopia denies – and a United Nations fact-finding mission to the region said last month it had heard direct accounts of “serious violations of human rights”.

Suspicions have been stoked by the expulsion of the International Committee of the Red Cross from Ogaden and a decision to exclude Médecins Sans Frontières, another aid group. Washington has refused to place the ONLF on its terrorist list or describe the crackdown in Ogaden as counter-terrorism.

This puts it increasingly at odds with Ethiopia. An alliance of convenience is becoming less convenient for both countries by the day. (Barney Jopson, Financial Times)

The news story of the new millennium

የፕሬዚዳንት ግርማ ወልደጊዮርጊስ በድጋሚ መመረጥ አገሪቱ የጀመረችውን ልማት ያጠናክራል

አሶሳ መስከረም 29/ 2000/ዋኢማ/ፕሬዚዳንት ግርማ ወልደጊዮርጊስ በድጋሚ የኢፌዴሪ ፕሬዚዳንት ሆነው መመረጣቸው አገሪቱ በልማትና በውጭ ግንኙነት በኩል የጀመረችውን መልካም ሂደት የበለጠ እንደሚያጠናክረው አንዳንድ የአሶሳ ከተማ ነዋሪዎች አስታወቁ።
ከከተማዋ ነዋሪዎች መካከል ወጣት አሰግድ መላኩና ወጣት ሰኢዳ ከድር በሰጡት አስተያየት፣ፕሬዚዳንት ግርማ ወልደ ጊዮርጊስ በድጋሚ መመረጣቸው ባካበቱት ዲፕሎማሲያዊ ሥራ ልምድ የአገሪቱን መልካም ገጽታ ለውጭ አገር በማስተዋወቅና የተጀመሩ ልማቶችን ለማፋጠን ያግዛል።
መምህር ዮሀንስ ዲንቃና አቶ አበራ አዱኛ በበኩላቸው፤ፕሬዝዳንቱ በተለይም እንደ ቤኒሻንጉል ጉምዝ ክልል ባሉና በልማት ወደኋላ የቀሩ ክልሎችን በተደጋጋሚ በመጎብኘት የሰጡት ትኩረት ሁሉንም ብሔር ብሔረሰቦች በእኩል ዓይን እንደሚያዩ የሚያሳይ ነው ብለዋል።
ወይዘሮ ከድጃ መሀመድና አቶ ታደሰ ገበየሁ የተባሉ የከተማዋ ኗሪዎችም ፕሬዚዳንቱ ኤችአይቪ/ኤድስን በመከላከል፣ የአገሪቱን የተፈጥሮ ሀብት መልሶ እንዲተካ ለማድረግ ያደረጉት አስተዋፅኦ ከፍተኛ በመሆኑ፣ በድጋሚ መመረጣቸው በቀጣዮቹ ስድስት ዓመታት በአገሪቱ ሰላም እንዲጠናከርና የእርስ በእርስ ግንኙነት እንዲጎለብት ያደርጋሉ የሚል እምነት እንዳላቸው መግለፃቸውን ዋልታ ኢንፎርሜሽን ማዕከል ዘግቧል። (http://www.waltainfo.com/AmNews/2007/Oct/10Oct07/37179.htm)

Ethiopia's oil consumption grows by three quarters in four years

Takes up 60% of export earning

Addis Ababa, October 11 – Ethiopia's oil consumption has sharply increased and the expenditure for oil is 60 percent of the revenue from export, the Ethiopian Petroleum Enterprise said.
Enterprise Public Relations Officer Damenu Kibret said yesterday that the country’s demand for oil has grown rapidly as a result of the economic progress during the past four years.

Accordingly, its consumption which stood at 1,245,000 metric tons four years ago jumped to 1,610,000 metric tons last budget year, he said.

Most of the oil imported is gas oil which is used to run heavy duty construction machineries and agricultural trucks, among others, he indicated.

One of the reasons behind the increase in the price of oil is the increase in the consumption of Jet A1 with the expansion of the flight destinations of Ethiopian Airlines and the flights of other airlines to the country in connection with the Ethiopian Millennium celebrations.

The Enterprise is working in collaboration with National Petroleum, Shell, Total, National Oil, Kobil and Nile Petroleum to meet the country's demand for oil, he said, adding that these oil distributors have assumed due responsibility to avoid interruption of oil supply in any part of the country.

The expense for oil would decline when the bio-fuel processing at Fincha Sugar Factory becomes operational, the PR officer said, adding that the production will also help reduce the amount of imported oil as the ethanol could be mixed with benzene for similar use. (WIC)

Opinion

Conservative Columnist: Symbolism and Realpolitik

by J. Peter Pham

Amid the complex dynamics of the Horn of Africa, the most significant national interest at stake for the United States is preventing Al-Qaeda (or any other like-minded international terrorist network) from acquiring a new base and opening a new front in their war against America and its allies. In this respect, Ethiopia is one of America’s most reliable African counterterrorism partners.
But, last Tuesday, the United States House of Representatives passed by voice vote and sent to the Senate the Ethiopia Democracy and Accountability Act of 2007. The bill, sponsored by Congressman Don Payne (D-NJ) and some 85 colleagues from both sides of the aisle, declares official U.S. policy to “support the advancement of human rights, democracy, independence of the judiciary, freedom of the press, peacekeeping capacity building, and economic development in the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia.” It also prohibits, unless the president makes specific certifications, security assistance to Ethiopia and entry into the U.S. for Ethiopian officials accused of involvement in human rights abuses.
In certain districts, large Ethiopian-American communities hostile to the current government in their native country obviously make the legislation good electoral politics, but the motivations of the bill’s sponsors are still largely well-intentioned—both Payne, the chairman of the House Subcommittee on Africa and Global Health, and the ranking Republican member, Chris Smith of New Jersey, have long histories of advocacy for the continent. Mass arrests, lethal force used against civilians and the Ethiopian government’s counterinsurgency campaign this summer against ethnic Somali rebels all lead one to think censure may not be such a bad idea. The government of Prime Minister Meles Zenawi enforced a trade blockade in the eastern region of his country, exacerbating the already precarious balance of life there; many of Addis Ababa’s actions have endangered fellow countrymen. Yet, these humanitarian considerations need to be weighed against other U.S. interests.
Ethiopia has participated in the State Department-funded capacity-building East Africa Counterterrorism Initiative (EACTI). The Terrorist Interdiction Program (TIP), which is designed to identify terrorists and hinder their movement across borders, is operative in Ethiopian airports and other international transit points. Last year, when no one else was willing to deal with the menace of a rising Islamist movement in Somalia— which included Al-Qaeda members specially designated by the U.S. government as well as by the United Nations Security Council—Ethiopian troops preemptively dispersed the militants. All this is more than can be said for any other country in the subregion.
Furthermore, Ethiopia has had a long history of cooperating with the U.S. Except during the Marxist dictatorship that lasted from 1974 to 1991, Ethiopia was a linchpin of America’s anti-Soviet containment regime along the southern tier of the Middle East. The Kagnew communications facility, for example, was highly valued by the U.S. military as part of its global radio system. An Ethiopian contingent fought alongside U.S. forces in the Korean War (the unit, dubbed the “Kagnew Battalion,” was attached to the 7th Infantry Division and fought in a number of engagements, including two famous battles at “Pork Chop Hill”). More recently, Ethiopia pledged 5,000 seasoned troops to the hybrid UN-African Union peacekeeping force in Sudan’s Darfur region—the most substantial commitment to date to a mission that, notwithstanding its international cause célèbre status, has attracted few volunteers.
While obviously none of this qualifies anyone for an automatic free pass, it also should not be surprising that the Ethiopian government would react angrily to the bill’s passage. A statement by Samuel Assefa, Ethiopia’s Ambassador to the United States, labeled it “irresponsible legislation” which, if it becomes law, “would undermine regional stability in the Horn of Africa by jeopardizing vital security cooperation” between his country and America. The envoy took particular umbrage to what he perceived as a double standard given that there is no “Eritrea Democracy and Accountability Act” under consideration: “The fact is that the entire region faces a serious threat from Eritrea—a country that the U.S. Department of State is considering listing as a state sponsor of terrorism, and that has rejected the core institutions of legal opposition parties and a private press, officially banning both, and also outlawed worship by minority religious denominations.” Noting that a “recent United Nations report concluded that Eritrea has armed terrorists in Somalia with weapons including suicide belts and anti-aircraft missiles,” Ambassador Assefa lamented that “rather than move against the country that denies all rights and religious freedom to its citizens, and foments instability,” Congress decided instead to zero in on his country.
While promoting democracy in Ethiopia (and elsewhere) is and ought to be an objective of U.S. foreign policy—after all, although it is not without risks and needs to be pursued within the context of a broader strategy, democratization can counter terrorism in the long run by providing alternative venues for dissent in closed societies—it needs to be weighed against our other interests, both immediate and long-term. In 1985, pursuing the commendable goal of discouraging nuclear proliferation, Congress passed the Pressler Amendment, which required the president to certify that Pakistan did not possess a nuclear weapon as a pre-condition for further U.S. assistance. When, in 1990, President George W. Bush decided he could no longer make the certification, the U.S. suspended its aid program to Pakistan, including military assistance and training. Not only did the cut-off fail to have the desired effect—Pakistan conducted its first nuclear tests in 1998 in response to a round of testing by India—but because of the country’s suspension from the International Military Education and Training (IMET) program, the U.S. had little or no contact with an entire generation of rising Pakistani officers until after 9/11, when it was reinstated. This has only heightened concerns over the possible successors of President Pervez Musharraf and the retiring Western-influenced officers of his generation.
This same cost-benefit analysis needs to be applied when dealing with historical controversies like the Affirmation of the United States Record on the Armenian Genocide Resolution, which comes up for a vote this week and has more than 226 co-sponsors. It is difficult to argue with the general thrust of the latter legislation’s determination: The “Armenian Genocide was conceived and carried out by the Ottoman Empire from 1915 to 1923, resulting in the deportation of nearly 2,000,000 Armenians, of whom 1,500,000 men, women, and children were killed, 500,000 survivors were expelled from their homes, and which succeeded in the elimination of the over 2,500-year presence of Armenians in their historic homeland.” But does this gesture, meaningful as it may be to Armenian-Americans and Armenians worldwide, advance U.S. interests? And, if so, which ones and at what cost? (A bipartisan group of eight former Secretaries of State—Madeleine Albright, James Baker III, Warren Christopher, Laurence Eagleburger, Alexander Haig, Jr., Henry Kissinger, Colin Powell, and George Schultz—sent a letter to House Speaker Nancy Pelosi warning that the resolution “could quickly extend beyond symbolic significance” and “endanger our national security interests in the region, including our troops in Iraq and Afghanistan, and damage efforts to promote reconciliation between Armenia and Turkey.”)
While the interests that might be pursued by a large, pluralistic country like the United States are infinite in number, the resources which it actually has at its disposal for their pursuit are always limited. Thus, as Hans Morgenthau repeatedly advocated, a rational hierarchy must be established among the elements which together constitute the national interest as well as the resources that condition the choice of means and ends. This is especially important in a democratic polity where the populist temptation is to present each of the various goals—defeating enemies, ensuring stability, opening markets, encouraging democracy, eliminating poverty and disease, promoting American culture, etc.—as equally essential, rather than in any way competitive among themselves. Morgenthau warned in The Purpose of American Politics that “the very survival of America calls for a new ordering of its relations with the outside world.” That, five decades later, Congress still indulges in symbolic gestures which, while not even serving core U.S. national interests, may nonetheless rattle the delicate balance of what our partners judge to be their most significant political or other interests, is a reminder of how much prudence is required to construct a rational, realistic, and, ultimately, sustainable foreign policy.

J. Peter Pham is director of the Nelson Institute for International and Public Affairs at James Madison University.

EU urges Ethiopia to allow aid to Ogaden region

Tue 9 Oct 2007,BRUSSELS - The European Union called on Ethiopia on Tuesday to ensure that civilians in its troubled Ogaden region are protected and receive humanitarian aid.
U.N. investigators touring the impoverished, predominantly ethnic Somali region -- where Ethiopian soldiers have been fighting separatist rebels for months -- urged Ethiopia last month to ensure food and aid agencies can get in the region.
Ethiopia had said it would take action on that.
"The EU commends the Ethiopian government for its reaction to the (U.N.) report and calls upon it to follow up all recommendations of the mission, including actions to protect civilians in conflict," the bloc's Portuguese presidency said in a statement.
"(The EU) welcomes its stated willingness to ensure that the humanitarian needs of the population in the Somali region of Ethiopia are properly addressed," the statement said.
The statement noted "with concern ... the (U.N.) report's conclusion that humanitarian conditions within the conflict areas have deteriorated substantially over the past several months".
Medecins Sans Frontiers and the International Committee of the Red Cross have accused the Ethiopian authorities in Addis Ababa of denying aid groups access to the region.
The Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) rebels accuse Prime Minister Meles Zenawi's administration of blockading the region -- the poorest part of Ethiopia -- risking a "man-made" famine, along with burning down homes and summary executions.
Meles' government denies all the accusations, and calls the ONLF terrorists funded by arch-foe and neighbour Eritrea.(Reuters)

Berhane Adere comes out of nowhere, zips past oblivious leader

Talk about coming out of nowhere.
Ethiopian Berhane Adere was a half-minute behind Romanian newcomer Adriana Pirtea with less than a mile to go Sunday at the hot, humid LaSalle Bank Chicago Marathon. Pirtea had run a well-paced race and had started waving to the crowd, smiling and certain victory was hers.
And then it happened.(Catch it here: http://cbs2chicago.com/video/?id=36199@wbbm.dayport.com)
Unknown to Pirtea, Adere, the defending Chicago champion, had started a furious kick with about 600 meters left and came blazing around the final turn from Roosevelt to Columbus at full throttle. Looking like a sprinter fresh out of the blocks, the crafty veteran Adere stayed to the far right and closed down the gap in a hurry while Pirtea ran comfortably down the left side, having no idea her world was about to be turned upside down.
With 50 meters to go, Adere unbelievably surged into the lead, and Pirtea, finally seeing what was happening, tried to change gears but couldn't rekindle her mojo. Adere was sprinting so far to the right, she missed the ceremonial finish tape but crossed the front of the electronic timing mat, the only thing that counts. With her torrid finish, she won the slow, tactical race in 2 hours, 33 minutes, 49 seconds. A stunned Pirtea finished in 2:33:52, having learned a valuable lesson. It was the most unusual Chicago Marathon finish anyone could remember.
Bizarre and astonishing were two words that came to mind.
''With two kilometers to go, [I decided to] sprint,'' Adere said, admitting she had suffered a ''bad patch'' around the 22-mile mark, allowing Pirtea to make a solid break after the two had run together since breaking Russian Alevtina Ivanova just past 16 miles.
The very soft-spoken Adere said she could see that Pirtea was slowing down in the final stages and knew she still had a chance. She made the most of it.
Pirtea, who ran track at Texas-El Paso, has one image of Adere she wished she didn't have. ''I saw her flying [by her],'' Pirtea said. ''I wanted to push the pace, but it was too late. I didn't know what to feel. When I realized what actually happened, I had tears in my eyes.''
''I thought that someone in the crowd would say 'go' or 'someone's coming,' but nobody said anything,'' she said of the loud cheering on the final straightaway. ''I never looked back. That was my mistake.''
Kate O'Neill of Milton, Mass., was the second surprise in the women's race, moving from back in the field early to third place and a spot on the podium in her debut 26.2-miler. A former track All-American at Yale, O'Neill threw out any notion of running a fast time and focused on getting third place after going through the half-marathon in 1:15:40. One-by-one, she picked off fading runners, including Liz Yelling of Great Britain, Benita Johnson of Australia, Nuta Olaru of Romania, Teyba Erkesso of Ethiopia and Ivanova.
''I felt really good for the first half,'' O'Neill said. ''I didn't feel so good for the second half and knew I had to be careful with each mile. This is a surprise to come in third. I'm real excited.''
The women's race had another surprise when Paige Huggins of Littleton, Colo., also worked her way through the carnage of heat-depleted elites for eighth place. Her time was 2:40:14.
Yelling ended up fourth in 2:37:14, Johnson fifth in 2:38:30 and Olaru sixth in 2:39:04. Ivanova was handed a hat and given water by a coach during the race, and her status as the 11th-place finisher was under review by officials of USA Track and Field.
Adere earned $125,000, Pirtea $65,000, O'Neill $43,500, including $4,500 as bonus for first American, Yelling $25,000 and Johnson $15,000.
Former University of Wisconsin All-American Kathy Butler, a Canadian native who runs for Great Britain, led the women's field through the early miles but was caught by the lead pack before six miles and gradually faded from contention.(Chicago SunTimes)

Study Finds HIV Infection Rate in Ethiopia Rose By 26 Percent

7 October 2007: The rate of the number of people tested for HIV/Aids in Ethiopia since February-August 2007 and found to be positive showed 26 % increase; compared to similar test conducted from November, 2006 -January 2007, a report compiled in September, 2007 disclosed.
The report entitled Millennium Aids Campaign Ethiopia (MAC-E) prepared FHAPCO (M&E Department) states the plans and actual performances carried out on HIV council ling and testing, ART treatments and the momentum for the continuation of the campaign to the third phase where the first two are already completed.
According to the report, in the first phase of the campaign that lasted from Nov 2006-Jan2007, 705,619 people were tested for HIV/AIDS and 37,943(5.4%) were found to be positive.
In the second phase, out of the 982,452 people tested, 70,470 were found to be positive (7.3%), according to the report, which showed a 26% increase by the end of August 2007.
The two major objectives of the campaign in the first phase were testing 320,000 people and enrolling 22,000 new patients to ART service; and more than double were tested. The ART plan for new patients fell short of the set target 11,582 but nevertheless a substantial increase from the previous trend, the report states.
In phase II of the campaign, though it was planned to test and council 1.8 million individuals over the seven months period, 982,452 were actually tested (53%) and 31,359 new individuals started ART (77%) from the 40, 710 planned to initiate.
In a round table discussion prepared yesterday at Internews meeting room, Dr. Yibeltal Assefa, health program officer at HAPCO discussed about the plan for the third phase of the program and the comprehensive Universal Access Program (UAP) set for 2010.
He said, "three million test kits are prepared for the new year which will render by far better testing and counseling services than the past years." Sensitization, social mobilization and community conversation are also the major areas of emphasis given in the third phase, according to the officer.
In the (UAP), it is planned to achieve to have one health center one test post in each woreda o f the country, Dr. Yibeltal indicated. (Daily Monitor)

Activists now detained for over two years

9 October 2007 – Anti-poverty activists Daniel Bekele(on your left) and Netsanet Demissie (on your right)today heard that they must wait in prison for at least another six weeks, as judges in Ethiopia's Federal High Court again delayed the verdict until 22 November 2007, bringing their total detention to over two years. Both activists are recognised by Amnesty International as prisoners of conscience.
“The courts must stop delaying. It is unacceptable to force these courageous civil society leaders to spend any longer in prison. Justice delayed is justice denied,” said Kumi Naidoo, CIVICUS Secretary General and co-chair of the Global Call to Action against Poverty (GCAP).
Daniel and Netsanet were due to hear their verdict this morning, 9am local time in Addis Ababa, on charges of conspiracy to overthrow the government, specifically, “outrage against the constitution and constitutional order.” Both coordinators of GCAP, they are the last two accused in the high profile Ethiopian treason trial that originally charged 131 politicians, journalists, organisations and civil society leaders.
“Both are dedicated GCAP campaigners. They spoke out against injustice in their country, so it's a double tragedy they won't be able to take part in GCAP’s global Stand Up and Speak Out day of action on 17 October. When we stand up next week, we will be speaking out in solidarity with them too,” said Naidoo.
In delaying the verdict, the judges explained that the Prosecution, and subsequently the Defence, had submitted their final comments to the court later than expected, not allowing the judges adequate time to make a decision.
Aside from their work with GCAP, Daniel is also head of the policy department at ActionAid International Ethiopia. Netsanet is also the founder of local human rights group Organisation for Social Justice in Ethiopia. Both Daniel and Netsanet assisted in monitoring the May 2005 election, peaceful and legitimate civil society work for which they now stand trial.
At the start of the trial in May 2006, 131 opposition politicians, journalists and civil society leaders stood accused of a range of charges from genocide to treason. They were among thousands who were detained following protests accusing the government of rigging the 15 May 2005 presidential elections. Many of the accused were acquitted during the course of the trial. Others were convicted but pardoned in July and August 2007 – all of whom had allegedly signed a confession, admitting use of "unconstitutional means to change the constitutionally established government functions” following the 2005 elections.
Although they were asked to sign a similar statement, Daniel and Netsanet declined. They argued that their activities in 2005 were entirely legal and did not serve to undermine, but rather to protect and promote Ethiopia’s constitutional order. (GCAP)

Ethiopia re-elects president for another six years

October 9, 2007 : Legislators in Ethiopia voted overwhelmingly on Tuesday to re-elect the country's president to the largely ceremonial post for another six years, state media reported.
Girma Woldegiorgis, an 82-year-old former parliamentarian and member of the leading Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front party, faced one opponent, opposition candidate Beyene Petros.
On Monday, Girma used his last official speech before seeking re-election to urge his east African nation to build up its military in the face of what he called aggression by its tiny neighbor Eritrea.
The two countries have repeatedly swapped accusations and insults following two bloody wars, the last one ending in 2000. An unresolved border dispute continues to divide them.(AP)

Famine Survivor Laments Decay at Once Thriving Resettlement Community

Abebe Ayenew, 61, was born and raised in Mota, a town in Gojjam (of the Amhara Regional State). However, due to the catastrophic drought that hit the nation in 1984/85, he could not sustain his life at his birthplace. He reminisces about what he went through during those harsh days.

"I lost my relatives, my cattle, and had to migrate to a place I do not know," he told Fortune soberly.
Abandoning his three hectares of land, Abebe fled his native land with his wife and seven children to join a huge resettlement project, Tana-Beles, in the Pawe Zone of the Beni-Shangul Regional State.

Funded by the Italian government, the resettlement and rehabilitation project lodged hundreds of thousands of famine victims in 1984/85, which is recorded as the worst famine in Ethiopian history, claiming the lives over one million people.

Following this famine, the then government wanted to resettle over 200,000 farmers from drought prone areas in the Amhara Region to Pawe, an area now in Beni-Shangul Gumuz. The original idea was to double Ethiopia's electric power and to provide irrigation for a settlement scheme that would take water from Lake Tana to the Beles River, across which five dams were to be built.

Egypt blocked a loan from the African Development Bank (AfDB) because Cairo feared that the Tana-Beles project would consume too much Blue Nile water, according to an article in the New York Times published on February 7, 1990.

Italy came to the rescue with 400 million Br of financial support; and thus the project was launched in 1998 on 413,000hct of land.

An Italian construction firm still active in Ethiopia building hydroelectric dams, Salini Construction, was awarded the construction of the dams and the resettlement community, while the consultancy business went to the Italian firm Petrodini.

Abebe said that through the project, 46 villages and the localities were connected to other regions with gravel roads. Moreover, buildings, meeting halls, huge warehouses, bridges, tractors and agricultural machineries were acquired and built.

"By the time the government brought us to this place, we were fearful of evacuating our hometown," he recalled. "However, we were impressed by the construction activities that were being undertaken there. We were also told that we would become beneficiaries of electricity, education and health facilities as well as make a good living through irrigation farming."

Settling on five hectares of land in 'Village 24,' the output he reaped from the farm made Abebe gradually forget the scars left in his mind. However, everything turned upside-down when the Derg regime was ousted from power, he said.

The change of government in 1991 brought the project to a sudden halt.

"The Italians came here, and they helped to develop the project. I think it is a very sad situation," said an expert close to the project. "It was a very good beginning, and then that story came - instability and the change of government - which completely disrupted the project."

The project remained in the hands of the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) for the following year before it was given to the Ministry of Agriculture (MoA). A taskforce of 40 experts from the various government agencies was established to study the possibility of rehabilitation and to propose a budget. Over 200 million Br, a substantial amount of it in foreign currency, was required, according to the study.

A decision by the Council of Ministers, which felt that the budget requested was too expensive at a time of a limping economic recovery, decided in March 1995 to liquidate the project, distributing the properties to at least 24 state-owned enterprises. It had also decided to establish in August 1995 an 11-member Board of Trustees with the responsibility to follow the implementation of its decision.

Over the years, the Board has handed over several properties once owned by the project: an airstrip to the Ethiopian Civil Aviation; agricultural machinery to four regional states; and hospitals, schools and kindergartens to the Beni-Shangul Regional State. Now, close to 75,000 settlers live in 47 villages, according to information from the Pawe Woreda Administration.

This reporter was at the Benishangul-Gumuz Regional State last week and noted that none of the agricultural machineries the region secured from the deserted project is in use. Structures that were built are also deteriorating due to lack of renovation.

The State has made the former camp for the project's workers a boarding school that is currently providing education to 100 students. Though this school also received agricultural machinery, the equipment is sitting idle to rust; the edifices are also in disrepair.

"We were told that everything here would be ours," Abebe stated in despair. "However, the only things we are left with now are small pieces of steel and a warehouse filled with garbage."

Indeed, as Abebe says, little pieces of steel litter the ground at Tana-Beles, and one large warehouse is filled with expired fertilizer.

Taye Habte, vice administrator of Metekel Zone, argues and that the machines the project gave them were completely obsolete and not a single one ever functioned. According to Taye, Zone officials offered the machines for the boarding school to repair and use, but repairs were never forthcoming. They were able, however, to make use of the hen houses, fruit orchards and vegetable gardens, though budget constraints have also left these assets in poor condition.

The region has a 288 million Br budget for the 2007/08 fiscal year; 36 million Br of this amount was obtained from the Regional State while the balance is a subsidy allocated by the federal government.

The House of Federation has recently decided to employ a different formula in determining budget subsidies from the federal government to regional states. The House decided to use regions' need for expenditure and their capacity to mobilise tax as key determinants, helping those with big shortfalls while rewarding regions that raise their own resources.

A lot is at stake for the regional states; a total of 14.2 billion Br in federal subsidies was allocated for the 2007/08 budget year. The Benishangul Gumuz Regional State, like other small regions, claims to have lost six million Birr in revenue from the latest subsidy formula.

Meanwhile, the project's enduring infrastructures such as water pipes, roads and flour mills continue to be used in spite of their decaying state, while the banana and rice processing machines still lay idle.

"These machines are becoming useless," Abebe said.( Wudineh Zenebe, AddisFortune)

Ethiopia’s First Private Radio Station Goes on Air With Tilahun’s Voice

Sheger 102.1 begins broadcast, while Zami 90.7 plans Saturday debut

The first ever privately-owned commercial radio in Ethiopia is on air. Sheger Radio started its historical transmission on the morning of October 4, 2007, with music legend Tilahun Gessesse. The test transmission, which will continue for a month, played for two hours on Thursday and ran again beginning at noon on Saturday.
Sheger Radio, available on FM 102.1, will continue playing music for the coming 30 days - for two hours each day - from its temporary studio located inside Tadesse Lemu Building, Belay Zeleke Road. During this period, station managers will assess the transmission's range and troubleshoot the equipment.
Once the testing is concluded, the station will transmit for 18 hours a day, beginning 6:00 AM, according to Meaza Birru, a prominent radio personality and general manager of Adey-Tensayie Plc, Sheger Radio's parent company.
Adey-Tensayie is one of the two companies granted FM commercial licenses almost a year ago by the Federal Broadcasting Agency. Owned by Meaza Birru and Teferi Alemu, the company was established with a capital of 2.5 million Br. Both companies granted commercial licenses were bound by a deadline for initiating operations that will come to an end this month.
"How to come up with truly suitable program to attract audiences continued to boggle me and my colleagues until everything was finally made possible to kick start our program just a day before the deadline," Meaza said. Sheger 102.1, with a motto "It's About You!", will feature entertainment, news and talk-shows on social issues, according to Meaza, who also runs a weekly eight-hour entertainment show on the FM 97.1 every Saturday. Yesterday's transmission will be the last of the popular "Chewata" program to be heard over the state-owned radio station, she disclosed.
"I am the happiest person to run a radio station of my own, for it is my lifetime dream that has come true," said Meaza.
Her excitement will soon be shared by another outstanding radio personality, Mimi Sebhatu, who will be running ZAMI FM 90.7 radio station.
ZAMI will launch its test transmission on October 12, 2007, for eight hours a day, beginning 6:00a.m., Zerihun Teshome, CEO of ZAMI Public Connections Plc, told Fortune. Owned by Zerihun and Endalkachew Sibehatu, ZAMI was established in June 2000 with a capital of 1.5 million Br.
Zerihun disclosed that broadcast testing will begin from its temporary studio located inside the building where the Ambassador Theater is found on Taitu Street.
"It's been long and arduous road to here," Mimi, who will be running the station, said. "We're well prepared to meet the challenges of running the first ever 24-hour radio transmission."
Having a motto "The Voice. The Difference," ZAMI FM 90.7 will be a news-based radio station, also incorporating talk shows and radio magazine formats, Mimi said. She too will drop most of her programmes now airing on the state-owned FM station, although she said she is determined to keep her broadcast on the national radio, transmitted daily except Saturdays. (AddisFortune)

UN warns of humanitarian crisis in Somali region

5 October 2007 - Concern is mounting about the humanitarian situation and human rights in Ethiopia’s Somali region, which threatens to affect 1.8 million people unless remedial action is taken soon, according to the UN.

“We will see a major crisis develop in the next month unless there is a resumption of livestock trade and export, commercial and humanitarian food distribution, urgent healthcare, and access by government service providers and humanitarian
partners,” stated Paul Hebert, head of the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs in Ethiopia, in a report issued on 5 October. Hebert led a mission to the Somali region between 30 August and 5 September.

Meanwhile, legislative moves in the United States to cut aid to Ethiopia are unlikely to have a dramatic impact on its internal policies, an analyst with a leading think-tank said.

"It is going to have some limited effect," Tom Cargill of Chatham House said of the Ethiopia Democracy and Accountability Act, which has been passed by the House of Representatives but has yet to be approved by the Senate or President George W Bush.

"It is symbolically important because it shows there is a range of views in the US about Ethiopia, but we should not read too much or too little into it."

If the bill were to become law, the US could stop military assistance to Ethiopia and impose travel restrictions on some government officials unless Addis Ababa released “political prisoners” and people detained without trial, prosecuted officials “involved in the unlawful killings of demonstrators” after elections in May 2005, and ensured the independence of the judiciary and the press.

US humanitarian assistance, food aid, support to combat HIV/AIDS and other healthcare assistance would not be affected by the legislation.

"Special" relationship

Cargill was doubtful the bill would be enacted. "The relationship between Ethiopia and America is so important," he said. "The question is - does Ethiopia need America more than America needs Ethiopia?"

Prime Minister Meles Zenawi blasted the bill: "It is an unfair decision. It is the result of a vendetta,” he told reporters in Addis Ababa on 4 October. "We have excellent relations with the USA, I hope they'll stay like that. But it is a two-way thing," he added.

Elements of the opposition in Ethiopia welcomed the legislation, however.

"The US House of Representatives has shown that executing the global war on terrorism is not incompatible with the forceful promotion of human rights and democracy," said the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF), an armed group described by Ethiopian authorities as a “terrorist” organisation.

Clashes between the ONLF and government forces in the Somali region are the main cause of the humanitarian crisis there.

Food crisis

“Humanitarian conditions within the conflict areas have deteriorated substantially over the past several months,” according to OCHA.

“The nutritional status of the population will rapidly worsen within two or three months if only limited quantities of commercial food continue to be available,” the report added, noting that the price of food in Ogaden had already almost doubled.

The joint mission also called for an independent investigation into allegations of “serious violations of human rights” in the Ogaden.

Human Rights Watch (HRW), in a statement to the US House Foreign Affairs Committee, said both the government and rebels were responsible for atrocities in the remote region.

"There are no clean hands among the hostile parties in the Ogaden conflict," HRW said, adding that it had documented serious abuses of civilians, including summary executions by the ONLF. “The Ethiopian military had also systematically committed atrocities and violated the basic laws of war,” it said.

According to HRW, civilians in Ogaden were being targeted intentionally and villages burnt as part of a campaign of collective punishment, while public executions, sexual violence, arbitrary arrests and torture in military custody were rampant, forcing hundreds of thousands to leave their homes.

Security concerns

"We recognise that Ethiopia has legitimate and serious domestic and regional security concerns and that all of the warring parties share responsibility for atrocities against civilians," HRW’s Sam Zafiri said. "Nevertheless, nothing justifies the severe violations we are witnessing today in the Ogaden."

In Washington, US Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs, Jendayi Frazer, who recently visited the Somali region, also told the committee that all sides had contributed to civilian hardship there.

"Regrettably, the actions of rebel groups, extremists, and government troops alike have all taken a damaging humanitarian toll on the local civilian population," she said. "The challenge for the [government] and international partners is to mitigate the civilian impacts of these events." (IRIN)

Kufuor in Ethiopia

President Kufuor ends his visit to Addis Ababa today (5 October, 2003)after meeting German Chancellor Angela Mekel at the AU headquarters for a high level discussion on current happenings in Africa. He also met the Prime Minister Meles Zenawi and planted trees to celebrate with Ethiopians their "Ethiopian Millennium".
In meetings with Prof. Alpha Oumar Konare, Chairman of the AU Commission and other high ranking officials of the Commission, the President was briefed on a number of pertinent issues that the Commission is currently involved in.
Four major issues were raised including the actions so far taken after the Accra Summit towards achieving a continental government.
President Kufuor was also briefed on the audit process currently going on to strengthen the Commission and the matter of electing a new president and commissioners for the Union at the next summit in January, 2008.
The upcoming EU-AU Meeting in Lisbon, Portugal, in December, this year, also came up for discussion and the AU reiterated its position that all African countries should be invited to the meeting.
Peace and security in the Darfur region of Sudan was also discussed during which the contribution of the Libyan Leader Muamar Al Gaddafi was lauded.
Rebel groups in that region are expected to meet in Libya on October 27, for a special conference convened by the Libyan Leader for what many consider would be the breakthrough meeting for the resolution of the conflict in that region. (Accra Mail - Accra)

UN Warns of Humanitarian Crisis in Somali Region

Concern is mounting about the humanitarian situation and human rights in Ethiopia's Somali region, which threatens to affect 1.8 million people unless remedial action is taken soon, according to the UN.
"We will see a major crisis develop in the next month unless there is a resumption of livestock trade and export, commercial and humanitarian food distribution, urgent healthcare, and access by government service providers and humanitarian partners," stated Paul Hebert, head of the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs in Ethiopia, in a report issued on 5 October. Hebert led a mission to the Somali region between 30 August and 5 September.
Meanwhile, legislative moves in the United States to cut aid to Ethiopia are unlikely to have a dramatic impact on its internal policies, an analyst with a leading think-tank said.
"It is going to have some limited effect," Tom Cargill of Chatham House said of the Ethiopia Democracy and Accountability Act, which has been passed by the House of Representatives but has yet to be approved by the Senate or President George W Bush.
"It is symbolically important because it shows there is a range of views in the US about Ethiopia, but we should not read too much or too little into it."
If the bill were to become law, the US could stop military assistance to Ethiopia and impose travel restrictions on some government officials unless Addis Ababa released "political prisoners" and people detained without trial, prosecuted officials "involved in the unlawful killings of demonstrators" after elections in May 2005, and ensured the independence of the judiciary and the press.
US humanitarian assistance, food aid, support to combat HIV/AIDS and other healthcare assistance would not be affected by the legislation.
"Special" relationship
Cargill was doubtful the bill would be enacted. "The relationship between Ethiopia and America is so important," he said. "The question is - does Ethiopia need America more than America needs Ethiopia?"
Ethiopia is a key ally of the US in its efforts to combat international terrorism.
Prime Minister Meles Zenawi blasted the bill: "It is an unfair decision. It is the result of a vendetta," he told reporters in Addis Ababa on 4 October. "We have excellent relations with the USA, I hope they'll stay like that. But it is a two-way thing," he added.
Elements of the opposition in Ethiopia welcomed the legislation, however.
"The US House of Representatives has shown that executing the global war on terrorism is not incompatible with the forceful promotion of human rights and democracy," said the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF), an armed group described by Ethiopian authorities as a "terrorist" organisation.
Clashes between the ONLF and government forces in the Somali region are the main cause of the humanitarian crisis there.
Food crisis
"Humanitarian conditions within the conflict areas have deteriorated substantially over the past several months," according to OCHA.
"The nutritional status of the population will rapidly worsen within two or three months if only limited quantities of commercial food continue to be available," the report added, noting that the price of food in Ogaden had already almost doubled.
The joint mission also called for an independent investigation into allegations of "serious violations of human rights" in the Ogaden.
Human Rights Watch (HRW), in a statement to the US House Foreign Affairs Committee, said both the government and rebels were responsible for atrocities in the remote region.
"There are no clean hands among the hostile parties in the Ogaden conflict," HRW said, adding that it had documented serious abuses of civilians, including summary executions by the ONLF. "The Ethiopian military had also systematically committed atrocities and violated the basic laws of war," it said.
According to HRW, civilians in Ogaden were being targeted intentionally and villages burnt as part of a campaign of collective punishment, while public executions, sexual violence, arbitrary arrests and torture in military custody were rampant, forcing hundreds of thousands to leave their homes.
Security concerns
"We recognise that Ethiopia has legitimate and serious domestic and regional security concerns and that all of the warring parties share responsibility for atrocities against civilians," HRW's Sam Zafiri said. "Nevertheless, nothing justifies the severe violations we are witnessing today in the Ogaden."
In Washington, US Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs, Jendayi Frazer, who recently visited the Somali region, also told the committee that all sides had contributed to civilian hardship there.
"Regrettably, the actions of rebel groups, extremists, and government troops alike have all taken a damaging humanitarian toll on the local civilian population," she said. "The challenge for the [government] and international partners is to mitigate the civilian impacts of these events." (UNIRIN)

Ethiopia Blasts US Lawmakers' Bill Barring Financial Aid Based on Rights Record

Ethiopian officials have condemned a bill passed in the U.S. House of Representatives that would bar some financial aid to Ethiopia unless the government in Addis Ababa improves its record on democracy and human rights.
A version of the House bill that was passed on Tuesday still must go before the Senate, and it includes a provision that allows President Bush to waive punishment if he decides to do so.
Nonetheless, the White House opposes restrictions on Ethiopia, which is a major ally in the war on terror. And the Ethiopian government says the bill is based on politics more than anything else.
A chief adviser to Ethiopia's Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, Bereket Simon, says his nation is an emerging democracy. He accused U.S. members of Congress of trying to undermine the Ethiopian government.
"It has nothing to do with democracy, it has nothing to do with human rights, this is a matter of personal vendetta and definitely that is not going to work," Bereket said. "This is a sovereign country, a country which has never bowed to any foreign aggression or foreign force. We assure these guys, these congressmen, that that is not going to blackmail Ethiopia in any form."
The Ethiopian government has been accused of widespread abuse since 2005, when it cracked down on demonstrators protesting parliamentary elections that were seen as severely flawed. Human rights groups also argue that the government is inflicting massive suffering on civilians in its eastern Ogaden region as it battles a rebel group, the Ogaden National Liberation Front.
In the meantime, Germany's Chancellor Angela Merkel, who is visiting Ethiopia, urged the government to do more to open the political system and protect the rights of the opposition.
Merkel was speaking at a news conference with Prime Minister Meles, who left her criticism unanswered, but went on to criticize the bill passed by the House of Representatives. He also said that Ethiopia would contribute 5,000 troops to the new AU/U.N.peacekeeping force in Sudan's Darfur region. (VOA)

German chancellor offers help in Ethiopia-Eritrea dispute

ADDIS ABABA, Ethiopia: German Chancellor Angela Merkel offered to help Horn of Africa rivals Ethiopia and Eritrea resolve a long-running border dispute, saying as she began a tour of Africa Thursday that there was reason for hope.

Merkel said she had spoken with Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi about Ethiopia's neighbors Sudan, Somalia and Eritrea, and said she was confident the acrimonious dispute between Ethiopia and Eritrea would be peacefully settled since Ethiopia has accepted the ruling of an impartial border commission.

"Now it seems that the problems are mainly in the implementation," she said. "Wherever we can be of any assistance, Germany will certainly be ready to do so."

She did not specify what form that help would take or what had changed in a deadlock that has had both countries trading accusations for years.

Eritrea gained independence from Ethiopia in 1993 after a 30-year guerrilla war, but the border between the two was never formally demarcated. A war erupted in 1998 over the border and claimed tens of thousands of lives.

A December 2000 peace agreement provided for an independent commission to rule on the position of the disputed 621-mile (1,000-kilometer) border.

The neighbors who have repeatedly accused each other of not honoring the terms of that deal. Tensions have increased even further with the rivals backing opposing sides in Somalia, where fighting between a weak government and Islamic insurgents has seen thousands of civilians die this year.

Ethiopia also has trouble at home, but Merkel did not directly address Ethiopia's crackdown on opposition leaders or the insurgency in the Ogaden region, where Ethiopian troops are fighting ethnic Somali insurgents. She said she encouraged Ethiopia to be "open."

Aid groups and the rebels accuse Ethiopia of running a police state and targeting civilians in Ogaden.

Meles used the press conference as an opportunity to send a robust response to U.S. legislators who have proposed cutting aid unless Ethiopia improves its human rights conditions.

"I don't think it will affect the relationship between ourselves and the U.S.," Meles said. The bill "is not fair. It is a reflection of the vendetta of a congressman. And that's it. If this person was interested in human rights and democracy, he should have looked at Eritrea first."

The U.S. House of Representatives unanimously approved the bill on Tuesday but it has not yet become law.

After the short briefing with journalists, Merkel planted several trees as part of a national Ethiopian reforestation project.

On Thursday afternoon, she will address the African Union, which is headquartered in Addis Ababa. Germany is currently the head of the Group of Eight industrialized nations, from whom the AU has been seeking funding for peacekeeping efforts.

Over the weekend, 10 A.U. peacekeepers were killed in an attack on their base in the Darfur region of Sudan. The underfunded, under-equipped AU force was to be absorbed into a larger, joint AU-UN force this month, and the weekend attack has spurred calls to overcome logistical and financial hurdles and speed that deployment.

Merkel's long-planned visit, which will also take her to South Africa and Liberia, will focus on development and trade, as well as human rights, corruption and the fight against AIDS.

During the news conference, Merkel said her trip would focus on pledges from the G-8 summit in Heiligendamm, Germany in June and the foundations for an EU-AU summit.

"I think that Europe has a vested interest in trying to further foster relations with Africa and further enhance its relationship with Africa," she said. "This is why the EU-AU summit later this year is of such tremendous importance."

Fellow G-8 leader Gordon Brown of Britain has said he will not attend the summit because Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe was expected. Merkel has said that she will bring up the human rights problems in Zimbabwe with the South African government during her trip.

Mugabe has been accused of abusing human rights record and presiding over the economic collapse of his country.(AP)

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HR 2003 approved by House

WASHINGTON, DC - The U.S. House of Representatives passed H.R. 2003 (Ethiopia Democracy and Accountability Act of 2007) on a unanimous vote at exactly 12:58 Eastern Standard Time. Donald Payne delivered an impassioned speech on the floor of the House urging members to pass the bill. He outlined the long train of human rights abuses that have taken place in Ethiopia over the past two years. He said the people of Ethiopia deserve democracy and human rights and a government of their choice.

Congressman Chris Smith, similarly delivered an impassioned speech and recounted what he believed was Meles Zenawi’s 'arrogant' lecture that he planned to imprison all of the opposition leaders. Smith joined Payne in insisting that the U.S. demand of the Ethiopian government accountability for the aid that it receives and compliance with human rights laws.

Bill Summary

Ethiopia Democracy and Accountability Act of 2007 - States that is U.S. policy to: (1) support human rights, democracy, independence of the judiciary, freedom of the press, peacekeeping capacity building, and economic development in the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia; (2) collaborate with Ethiopia in the Global War on Terror; (3) seek the release of all political prisoners and prisoners of conscience in Ethiopia; (4) foster stability, democracy, and economic development in the region; and (5) strengthen U.S.-Ethiopian relations.
Directs the Secretary of State to take specified actions to support human rights and democratization in Ethiopia.
Prohibits until the President makes specified congressional certifications: (1) security assistance to Ethiopia, with exceptions for peacekeeping or counter-terrorism assistance; and (2) U.S. entry of any Ethiopian official involved in giving orders to use lethal force against peaceful demonstrators or accused of gross human rights violations, and government security personnel involved in specified shootings of demonstrators and prisoners.
Directs the President to provide assistance for the rehabilitation of Ethiopian torture victims.
Expresses the sense of Congress that the U.S. government should: (1) encourage the government of Ethiopia to enter into discussions with peaceful political groups to bring them into full participation in Ethiopia's political and economic affairs; and (2) provide necessary assistance to help achieve such goal.
Directs the President to provide Ethiopia with: (1) resource policy assistance; and (2) health care assistance.

Ethiopia's ambassador speaks out

The Embassy of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia in Washington, DC, released this statement by Samuel Assefa, Ethiopia's Ambassador to the United States:


The U.S. House of Representatives today approved irresponsible legislation that, if it becomes law, would create fresh obstacles to Ethiopia's bold efforts towards comprehensive democratic reforms. The legislation also would undermine regional stability in the Horn of Africa by jeopardizing vital security cooperation between the United States and Ethiopia. The action disregards Ethiopia's immense progress in creating a competitive, pluralistic system of government and a more open civil society. According to the U.S. State Department, "[t]he [2005] elections stand out as a milestone in creating a new, more competitive multiparty political system in one of Africa's largest and most important countries." Nor was the impetus towards democratic reform impeded following the post-election riots that tragically cost the lives of so many civilians and police officers. After intense discussions between the majority and opposition parties, the Ethiopian Parliament took legislative measures to address contentious issues such as revision of parliamentary rules of procedure and reform of the National Election Board. In her testimony before the House Africa and Global Health Subcommittee, U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs Jendayi Frazier said these "steps are unprecedented in Ethiopia and represent monumental advancement in the political environment." While many of these democratic gains seem to have gone unnoticed by Members of Congress, the very presence of two recently convicted and pardoned senior opposition leaders who testified at the Congressional hearing today bears witness to the Ethiopian Government's brave resolve to reinvigorate the democratic process. It is jarring, to say the least, that immediately in the wake of these pardons the U.S. House of Representatives approved punitive measures against Ethiopia. There is no mistaking that this action does not serve the interests of the United States or Ethiopia. By taking this step, the House sadly has allowed itself to be used by extremists in Ethiopian politics who reject peaceful and legal avenues of political participation. The House action serves only to bolster these hard-line elements by encouraging the politics of extremes. The legislation is equally destructive to regional security in the Horn of Africa. Dr. J. Peter Pham, invited by the Africa subcommittee to testify at today's Congressional hearing as an expert witness, said "The most significant national interest at stake for the United States in this complex context is to prevent al Qaeda ... from acquiring a new base and opening a new front in its war against us and allies." Mr. Payne and his allies seek nothing less than a realignment of U.S. interests in Africa. Mr. Payne made this clear in a recent press release in which he accused Ethiopia -- against all evidence and common sense -- of being "a source of instability in the region." The fact is that the entire region faces a serious threat from Eritrea -- a country that the U.S. Department of State is considering listing as a state sponsor of terrorism, and that has rejected the core institutions of legal opposition parties and a private press, officially banning both, and also outlawed worship by minority religious denominations. A recent United Nations report concluded that Eritrea has armed terrorists in Somalia with weapons including suicide belts and anti-aircraft missiles. Yet, rather than move against the country that denies all rights and religious freedom to its citizens, and foments instability, Mr. Payne is leading the Congress to condemn Ethiopia. One of Mr. Payne's key advisors, an Africa specialist for the Congressional Research Service, recently told the New York Times, "If there is one country where the fighting of extremists and terrorists was a priority when it mattered, it was Eritrea." This view is nonsense, and this legislation simply is not consistent with the responsible, reflective action of a legislature weighing U.S. interests around the world. Instead this is legislation favored by regional and domestic political activists who have chosen to use the U.S. Congress in support of a partisan Ethiopian political agenda. It is baffling that the House would allow itself to be used in this way. Ethiopia thanks the current U.S. administration for its continued support and carefully considered opposition to this legislation. It also welcomes the support of thoughtful Members of the House and Senate who understand the reality of the Horn of Africa and recognize Ethiopia's steadfast commitment to democracy in one of the most dangerous regions in the world.
Embassy of Ethiopia

Diaspora Ethiopians do last minute advocacy on HR 2003

Diaspora Ethiopians are in a last minute advocacy work to persuade US House Representatives to pass HR 2003 on Tuesday October 2. For the first time since the bill was authored, supporters of the government and others opposed to HR 2003 have also joined the fight, to sway the House to say no to the bill. HR 2003, or formally known by its full name Ethiopia Democracy and Accountability Act, was authored by Africa Subcommittee Chair, Congressman Donald Payne of New Jersey. Though it is sponsored by many other US officials, the bill has faced various obstacles before it finally broke thru last week when a U.S Congress Comimittee approved it. The legislative still has to endure Tuesday’s vote before it gets to the president which would be its biggest challenge due to the close relationship between the Ethiopian government and the Bush administration. Many supporters of the government said, they never expected that the bill would go this far. Particularly, its HR 5680 forerunner was quickly defeated, sending the signal that American officials are unlikely to put pressure on the Ethiopia government. Even though it is labeled as a bipartisan bill, only a couple of Republicans have supported it with more than 90% of its cosponsors being Democrats. However, since the new Congress got dominated by Democrats, it gave new life and hope for supporters of the bill. Both groups of Diaspora Ethiopians who support and oppose the bill appear to manipulate the interpretation of the bill during their advocacy work. The supporters of the bill omit some controversial terms of the bill including the Bill’s phrases that give partisan power to monitor human rights in Ethiopia, forbid Ethiopian government officials from traveling to U.S. and put full responsibility of the 2005 post election violence on the government. Meanwhile, opponents of the bill tell their followers only about the “anti-Ethiopia” interpretation of the bill claiming that the bill is trying to colonize Ethiopia by having American officials intervene in the politics of Ethiopia. These opponents say it is the duty of all “patriotic Ethiopians” to condemn the bill. No matter, the momentum is on the side of the bill’s supporters and major sponsors like Ethiopian American Civic Advocacy (EACA) who have been doing this work for many months, are rousing their hundreds of fans to send fax and telephone calls supporting the bill. Opponents of the bill who never thought the bill would even get this far are meanwhile having difficulties starting both the networking or organizing work and advocacy task all at the same time in just a few days.

Published 10/01/2007 - 12:41 p.m.a

Haile - 2:04:26 World Record in Berlin!

Berlin, Germany - Haile Gebrselassie finally fulfilled the first one of his two big marathon dreams: The 34-year-old Ethiopian broke the World record at the real,- Berlin-Marathon, clocking 2:04:26. It was Paul Tergat (Kenya) who had run 2:04:55 in 2003 in Berlin.
“It was something very special today, because this is the marathon world record!” said Gebrselassie after improving the World Marathon record by 29 seconds. “That is something different in comparison to the 5,000 or 10,000m, because the Marathon is the king of the distance races.” The two-time Olympic 10,000m champion has now broken 24 World records or world bests.
Gebrselassie produced the absolute highlight at Germany’s biggest and most spectacular Marathon for which 40,215 runners from 115 nations had entered. About one million spectators cheered on the Ethiopian.
“The spectators gave me more support than last year. I have to say thank you Germany! Today the weather was perfect, it was not as windy as last year,” said Gebrselassie, who will target his next big Marathon goal next year, when he will run the Olympic race in Beijing.
Not only Gebrselassie but Gete Wami also defended her title in Berlin in ideal weather conditions. The Ethiopian clocked 2:23:17 to complete yet another double win in Berlin after 2006. But the real surprise came in second place, which featured a great debut by Irina Mikitenko. She clocked 2:24:51, which is the best ever Marathon debut by a German woman. She is now the third fastest on the German all-time list behind Uta Pippig (2:21:45) and Katrin Dörre-Heinig (2:24:35).
Gebrselassie on WR pace from the gun
Led by pacemakers, Gebrselassie was on course for the World record throughout. He went through halfway in 62:29. His rivals couldn’t match that kind of pace from the very start leaving Gebrselassie in a race of his own through the streets of Berlin. Up to the 30 kilometre point two of the original five pacemakers were able to stay with him. But then both Eshetu Wondimu (Ethiopia) and Rodgers Rop (Kenya), the latter winner of this year’s Hamburg marathon in 2:07:32 and a former champion in New York and Boston, dropped out.
Tergat calls to offer congratulations, Gebrselassie apologises
Shortly after Gebrselassie crossed the finish line, race director Mark Milde’s phone rang. Tergat was on the line, and he wanted to congratulate Haile. “Paul is a good friend and I apologized to him for taking his World record,” Gebrselassie explained. His total winnings from Berlin were 130,000 Euros. “But I don’t run for money. If I did, I could race somewhere every week,” said Gebrselassie.
The Kenyan Abel Kirui was second in an outstanding personal best of 2:06:51. Third place went to his compatriot Salim Kipsang in 2:07:29. The best German finisher was Falk Cierpinski (SG Spergau) who crossed the line in 23rd place. The son of the double Olympic champion Waldemar Cierpinski ran a personal best in 2:19:06.
Wami aggressive from the start as well
In the women’s race Gete Wami, like Gebrselassie, went clear of her rivals from the start. The Ethiopian, who ran a national record of 2:21:34 a year ago in Berlin but lost it in the meantime to Berhane Adere, also had an escort of pacemakers. After reaching halfway in 70:25 she did just enough to be assured the victory. Five weeks from now Wami will be on the start line for the marathon in New York.
Wami is shooting for the jackpot in the World Marathon Majors series for 2006-07. Following her win in Berlin she has taken the lead from Latvian Jelena Prokupcuka. If she finishes ahead of the Latvian in New York, she’ll win 500,000 dollars.
“I was very confident before the race that I was in good shape. I’ll take it easy for a week and then start training for New York – I think I’ve a real chance of winning the WMM jackpot,” Wami said.
The outcome of the race for second place was more dramatic. Well behind Wami after the second half were Helena Kiprop of Kenya and the Japanese Naoko Sakamoto (both at 72:31). A further 26 seconds behind was a trio including Mikitenko. On her Marathon debut she ran an outstanding second half to move up to second. She ran the second half in 1:11:54, covering the second half faster than the first on her debut attempt at the distance. That shows she could run faster still in the Marathon, an event for which she now has an Olympic qualifying time.

Ethiopian claiming to be al-Qaida member charged with making threat at Boston airport

BOSTON Monday, October 1, 2007: A 27-year-old man is facing criminal charges after he allegedly told an airline employee at Boston's Logan International Airport that he was a member of al-Qaida and planned to "blow up things."
Ermiyas Asfaw, a native of Ethiopia who lives in Washington, D.C., pleaded not guilty in East Boston District Court to a charge of making a false communication of an explosive device. Bail was set at $1,500 (€1,054).
State police say Asfaw was in the process of checking in for a flight Saturday night when he told an AirTran employee that he had explosives.
Logan spokesman Phil Orlandella says Asfaw said, "I'm with al-Qaida. I'm with them and I'm here to blow up things." Asfaw later told authorities he was only joking.
Prosecutors said Asfaw made the statements after becoming irritated when an airline employee asked him about a tag on his luggage that indicated he had been to Dubai of the United Arab Emirates.
Asfaw's attorney, Francis HcHugh, did not immediately return a call seeking comment Monday.(AP)

Meles Zenawi's Interview with Time/CNN

TIME: Many people outside Africa know Ethiopia primarily from television reports of the famine in 1984 and 1985.
Meles: That was clearly part of our reality. We cannot run away from it. Ethiopia is in the midst of a profound transformation. Most analysts agree that our growth has been exceptionally pro-poor. The political transformation is still a work in progress. There have been quite a few bumps on the road. But in the end, the movement has been inexorably in the right direction towards permanently establishing democratic institutions, towards further consolidation of a democratic culture and towards further stabilization. On the eve of the millennium, we are beginning to see the impact of the start of the transformation of the country.
TIME: What happens in Ethiopia has an impact well beyond its borders. Why?
Meles: After Nigeria, we are the second biggest black African nation. We are the headquarters of the African Union. We are the only African country that has never been colonized. This is perhaps the last surviving African civilization. We have our own script. We have our own calendar. We represent the greatness of Africa's past. We also represent the worst of Africa's present, in terms of poverty. It is the best and the worst of African reality.
TIME: As you say, democracy is a destination rather than a present reality.
Meles: While all democratic systems are works in progress, ours started rather late and therefore has a longer distance to cover. But democratic transformation for us is not mimicking some facets of Western governance. The focus has been on building institutions of democratic governance. And to do so all the way to the grass roots. Democracy cannot be a plaything for the capital cities. It has to infiltrate every nook and cranny in the country, including the village.
TIME: There are questions about the validity of the 2005 elections which returned you to power.
Meles: Everyone, including the most ardent critics of the government, agrees that right up to election day the democratic elections in Ethiopia were exemplary, by any standard. The issue arises as to whether the counting of the vote was done in a fair and transparent fashion. Here, there are varied assessments. We argue that while there may have been mistakes here and there, on the whole it was a credible and fair count. The opposition did not agree. So we said: 'Let's check. Let's review the counting in the presence of foreign observers.' We did that. After we did that, two groups of observers the African Union and the Carter Center said that while there had been some mistakes, the outcome of the election was credible. The observers from the European Union did not criticize counting per se, but they said the environment was such that the outcome of the election was not credible. Their view was not shared by practically all European governments. Every one of them sent a congratulatory message to me.
TIME: Your government used what many consider excessive force to quell protests about the elections.
Meles: It's very obvious now that the opposition tried to change the outcome of the election by unconstitutional means. We felt we had to clamp down. We detained them and we took them to court. In the process, many people died, including policemen. Many of our friends feel that we overreacted. We feel we did not. There is room for criticism nevertheless it does not change the fact that this process was a forward move towards democracy and not a reversal. Recent developments have simply reinforced that. The leaders of the opposition have realized they made a mistake. And they asked for a pardon, and the government has pardoned them all.
TIME: Your image as a role model for African leaders has been tarnished by the perception that your government is not concerned with human rights.
Meles: As a person, I have never been discourteous or nasty to anybody. I may have stood my ground a bit too directly, a bit too firmly, and I believe I have over a number of years learned to be a little less direct. And I have certain misgivings about these human rights organizations and their activities. I see fundamental structural flaws in the way they operate. The way it's done is Mr X. says he is a victim of human rights violations. He reports that to an organization here or abroad. The organization has no means to verify the facts, but prints the allegations as allegations. Those who read those allegations do not read them as allegations they read them as facts. The other flaw is this attitude of holier than thou. Now, it is simply impossible for foreign advocates of human rights to ensure there is respect for human rights on the basis that there is Big Brother out there watching everyone. It has to come from inside. If people need a Big Brother, then by that very fact there is no democracy.
TIME: There are specific allegations that there have been human rights abuses in the Ogaden region. How do you answer these?
Meles: We are supposed to have burned villages. I can tell you, not a single village, and as far as I know not a single hut has been burned. We have been accused of dislocating thousands of people from their villages and keeping them in camps. Nobody has come up with a shred of evidence. Nobody. And I can tell you there are many intelligence organizations in the Horn of Africa. This is a very volatile area, and understandably there are much such organizations, and none of them have come up with any evidence. The reason is very simple. We know how insurgencies succeed and how they fail. And we have experience of counter-insurgency, from when we were on the receiving end. The most stupid mistake a counter-insurgency operation can make is alienating the population. If you alienate the population, you're finished. We are not going to make that mistake. We may not have been the most evangelical of human rights advocates in the world, but we are not stupid either. That is why we have not made those blunders and we will never make those blunders.
TIME: And your view is that the Ogaden National Liberation Front is a threat?
Meles: Absolutely. It's not a theoretical threat. They killed more than 70 people just a few months ago in a camp all of them civilians. It is a real threat. And it has to be curtailed.
TIME: Parts of the U.S. seem to take a different view of the ONLF. Your security forces detained four American personnel because they were dealing with the ONLF in some way, or talking to them or using them to help them operate in Somalia.
Meles: As far as we know, these personalities did not have official sanction to do that what they were doing. They were violating their own code of conduct. That is why they were stopped. We have no proof that they were in contact with the ONLF but there are indications that they might be moving in that direction. We stopped it from happening before it happened. We consider the ONLF a terrorist organization. Now the U.S. is more focused on international terrorism. The ONLF does not have an international dimension to its terrorist activities. So therefore there is a slight divergence of perspective.
TIME: The U.S. sets great store by its good relations with Ethiopia. Why?
Meles: We are African and a critical part of Africa. But we are close to the Middle East. And the three major religions, Christianity, Islam and Judaism came to Ethiopia much earlier than much of Europe. So the Middle Eastern influence has historically been huge. And in view of the fact that much of the Middle East is currently in turmoil, the Gulf in particular, with all sorts of terrorist activities, we are susceptible to that influence too. But we are in the middle of Africa, and the challenges to democracy, poverty and development are central to our survival. This is a country of almost 80 million now, diverse cultures and language. So in a way, Ethiopia is a melting pot, a gateway between Africa and the Middle East.
TIME: How would you describe relations with the US?
Meles: Excellent.
TIME: Some people say you are America 's poodle.
Meles: Our objective is to safeguard Ethiopia's interests. Ethiopia's interests at the moment fully coincide with America's security interests in the region, and therefore it's perfectly normal for us to work very closely with the U.S. We have not denied the fact that we are working very closely with the U.S. We have every reason to do so. We are not ashamed of it. If that makes us a poodle, if protecting one's national interest means being a poodle, then so be it, that's ok. But that's not my definition of a poodle.
TIME: The U.S. warned against Ethiopia's invasion of Somalia but you went ahead. Was the invasion a success?
Meles: It's been a tremendous success. Before we intervened, about a year ago now, the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) were on the verge of collapse and the Islamic Courts Union were on the verge of taking complete and full control of Somalia. That is no longer on the cards. That is a tremendous change.
TIME: Why could you not accept the Islamic Courts Union taking charge in Somalia?
Meles: Because these groups had declared jihad on us. And the TFG also gave us the legal ground for intervening by inviting us to come in. Now is Somalia stable yet? No, it is not, and it is not going to be absolutely tranquil any time soon. But the level of violence has dramatically gone down.
TIME: What do you make of the assessment that the invasion radicalized Somali nationalism into a much more dangerous, religion-inspired insurgency, and with Eritrea funding and supporting and there being links to those have already have a track record in international terror, that there is a monster being created here?
Meles: If there is any monster now, it's been there for quite some time. What we tried to do was put it back in its cage. These groups had ties with al-Qaeda long before we intervened. The terrorist outrages in Kenya and Tanzania [the U.S. embassy bombings in 1998] were launched from Somalia. Somalia was a very well known key hideout for key leaders of al-Qaeda in the Horn. When the Islamic Courts took over, they immediately put in a place a quasi-Taliban like regime. Now that was also not started by our intervention. What we have done is isolate the hardcore of the Taliban we did not create it and by doing that we believe we have radically weakened it. That does not mean there is no threat of terrorism now. There are too many forces around who are interested in terrorism for that to be the case including Eritrea. But the sort of mass upsurge in Talibanization that was occurring in Somalia has been curtailed.
TIME: We have information of a larger and more extensive American operation in Somalia than has previously been disclosed, of around 60 American Marines on the ground, of helicopters operating from the U.S. carrier Eisenhower, of several days of bombardment conducted jointly by Ethiopian and American planes. What can you tell me about that operation?
Meles: Since it is in the past now, I can be very frank. The American military involvement started after the Islamic Courts were defeated, and they gathered around the wooded area in the southern part of Somalia on the border with Kenya. At the stage, some US air assets were used for bombing operations on two occasions. U.S. air assets were used for intelligence purposes throughout. And they did share quite a lot of information with us. There may have been a few American soldiers on the ground, helping with intelligence. But other than these two air raids, there has not been any other U.S. air raid in southern Somalia before or after that operation. There has been some military operation in Puntland that was a seaborne operation, and it was done without any coordination with our forces. They have been helpful with intelligence throughout the operation, but that is not new, we share information on security threats.
TIME: African leaders often prove reluctant to leave office, but you've been hinting that you may not stand again?
Meles: I have three more years to go.
TIME: And then you will step down?
Meles: And then the process will kick in.
TIME: Why would you stand aside?
Meles: I have been around for quite a long time. Time to start thinking about doing new things.
TIME: Won't you leave a bit of a vacuum?
Meles: No. Politics here is not personality based. It is ideologically driven and organization based. That's part of its strength. In our case with the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democracy Front (E.P.R.D.F.) it's a movement with very well articulated positions. And these things do not change because of personalities. I have been in the minority position when issues of war and peace were at stake. And I have found myself implementing a majority position that I completely and utterly disagree with.
TIME: Such as?
Meles: Such as the war with Eritrea. There were a number of instances where I found myself in a minority and implementing decisions that I was uncomfortable with.
TIME: You have acquired the reputation as an abrasive leader and author of a confrontational foreign policy. Do you disagree with that view?
Meles: I probably fail to beat about the bush. But I would suggest that when and where I have been direct, I have tried to be respectful. In policy we have not been confrontational. We have always sought the peaceful way out, even when we are on the receiving end of aggression. With Eritrea, it was very obvious that Eritrea invaded our country. And we sought a peaceful way out. The Americans and the Rwandans came up with a peaceful option. We accepted that. The Eritreans did not. At some stage I felt we could have gone a bit further in terms of being accommodative. But we were never aggressive, whether in Somalia or Eritrea. Sometimes, when we disagree, we say so with perhaps a little extra force in it. That might be misunderstood.
TIME: What keeps you awake at night?
Meles: It has always been fear — fear that this great nation, which was great 1,000 years ago but then embarked on a downward spiral for 1,000 years, and reached its nadir when millions of people were starving and dying, may be on the verge of total collapse. Now it's not a fear of collapse, I believe we are beyond that. It's the fear that the light which is beginning to flicker, the light of a renewal, an Ethiopian renaissance, that this light might be dimmed by some bloody mistake by someone, somewhere. This [renaissance] is still fragile, a few shoots [which] may need time to be more robust. At the moment, it is fear born out of hope that this new millennium will be as good as the first one and not as bad as the second one.